This thesis analyzes the development of the New Song movement in Chile from its inception in the 1950s with the music recovery efforts of Violeta Parra, through its heyday in the 1960s and early 1970s during the years of Salvador Allende's Popular Unity government, to its legacy following the Pinochet coup of 1973. This thesis examines the New Song movement's musical origins, political messages, and connections to the most pressing issues of its time, including the domestic urban-rural divide and the involvement of the ordinary people in the nation's political sphere.

This paper will explore the evolving purpose of museums in the sphere of international relations. Reflecting on the intrinsic political potential of museums, a case will be made that they are valuable assets for international relations and, more specifically, cultural diplomacy. Contrasting their potential, the development of universal museums will highlight the current obstacles facing museums on their journey to becoming political actors. With the British Museum and AfricaMuseum as specific examples, the controversies facing museums are acknowledged through the lens of changing museological standards; these museums’ approaches to museology further exemplify which museums are currently equipped for diplomatic use. By the end of this paper, readers will be able to recognize that museums are evolving in the direction of further involvement in international relations and that the current obstacles to this development are enveloped in the issues of unsustainable relationship-making, traditional museology, and lack of museum ethics.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the roles and legal frameworks of modern privateers to establish that they provide an effective means of preventing maritime piracy. This paper is organized in a manner that examines the roles of pirates and privateers in the past and present, in an attempt to answer relevant questions that currently hinder the usage of private navies in the near future. Are the methods currently in place to hinder the usage of private navies in the near future. Are the methods currently in place to prevent piracy effective? Have privateers been effective in the past? If so, how can they be implemented to deescalate the maritime pirates who are an increasingly violent threat to both human life and the global economy?

In the 1880s, the town of Beverly, Massachusetts, was shaken to its core by a movement to divide the town and secure the independence of its wealthy Beverly Farms village. Soon, this municipal civil war threatened to thrust the Commonwealth of Massachusetts into political scandal. This thesis delves into the local background and national context of the Beverly division movement before tracing its progression from opposition to a street railway extension in 1885 to its pivotal point of near success in 1887. In the process, the paper discusses how, through embodiment of class division issues and concern over the growing influence of money in politics during the American Gilded Age, an effort to divide Beverly in two became the crisis of the Commonwealth.

This project is a chapbook-size composition of original poems in both English and Spanish. It aims to link poetry between distinct lingual and literary traditions in a novel way without the use of translation. Among the themes treated are queer identities, the feminine and masculine, gay culture and sexual development, aspects of love, bilingualism effects, and linguistic interpretation. Also my poetic discourse deals with the dualism of realistic depiction and metaphorical allusion. The narrative weaves between two journeys. The first is of my struggle through rape, abuse and resilience, and the necessity to create order and contextualize my experiences. The second emerges from the need for definition, my story and I, through the affectation and modulation of my native language, English, and my second language, Spanish. As these interweave, the narrative becomes a testament to the catharsis of art, the mutual nature of language and identity, and what it means to be a queer kid in life.

The modern nationalist movement (1916-1936) presented a contradiction for Irish women. On the one hand, they were being called to perform their responsibilities as citizens by extending their patriotism outside the home and taking a more active role in the fate of their country. On the other, Irish nationalism relied heavily on tradition; women were generally seen as the keepers of that tradition. Nationalist women struggled to respond to the competing responsibilities of their traditional domestic role and the emerging roles as citizens in a new nation. This paper examines Kathleen Clarke as a case study in how nationalist Irishwomen balanced their responsibilities as citizens in the new nation with their traditional roles as wives and mothers. Kathleen Clarke was the wife of one of the executed leaders of the Easter Rising and the sister of another. She was very involved in the nationalist movement and in Irish politics. After the Rising, she was left as a single mother of three small boys while also managing a fund for the dependents of imprisoned rebels. She eventually became a senator and then the first female Lord Mayor of Dublin. In her struggles to balance responsibilities in both the domestic and public spheres of her life, Kathleen Clarke embodied the ways that the new nation simultaneously created and restricted personal, cultural and political opportunities for women in Ireland after independence.

Was the German public education system or the Hitler Youth more influential in the indoctrination of children in Nazi Germany? The German school system promoted a rhetoric built upon a Nazi ideological framework, with the end goal of having children passively think within that framework. In contrast, the Hitler Youth emphasized physical training and militarization as a critical component of the indoctrination process. Ultimately, both proved vital in the success of Nazi Germany’s re-education program and allowed for the full integration of youth into the Nazi State.

the spring of 2017, I was approached by a professor to join him in a writing project that will be published in 2019. The project is a volume called: 50 Events that Shaped African American History. My contribution to this project is a chapter on the Harlem Renaissance. The Harlem Renaissance took place between 1920 and 1930. Once the decade passed, the Harlem Renaissance ended as quickly as it had begun. Using primary and secondary sources, I researched and learned about the various themes within the Harlem Renaissance. Such themes include: politics, literature, music, and black identity and culture. I had to write a chronology, a narrative, two biographies, and two sidebars. One biography is about Langston Hughes, and the other, James Weldon Johnson. The one side-bar comments on the concept of “The New Negro” and the other, comments on the Harlem Riot of 1935 and how that symbolized the end of the Harlem Renaissance. The goal of this project was to write an unbiased view of the Harlem Renaissance. I encountered the arguments, victories, and defeats of the Harlem Renaissance. Writing about the Harlem Renaissance also caused me to ask questions. One question was: “Was the Harlem Renaissance a success?” I intend to share what this writing experience has taught me and also hope to offer my own take on the questions offered above, and help to start an educated conversation of an influential moment in African American History.

Fidel Castro was dictator of Cuba during the years of 1959 up until 2008. He took power after the Cuban Revolution. He is a complicated character in history at best, with most of the world having differing views about his leadership style and political agenda. The great majority opinion of the former Cuban dictator in the United States is one that is unfavorable and negative, often placing Castro in a harsh category that has held the names of Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini. Yet outside of the United States view point, Castro has been given praise for being a strong, positive, and indeed beneficial leader to Cuba. A majority of those citizens in Cuba during the revolution supported Castro in his rise to control and power. He has been seen as a savior in their country, freeing them from the former leader Fulgencio Batista. Across the world, he has become a hero and inspiration for many of the poor through his revolution and reform in Cuba. These variations in opinion of Fidel Castro prompted a question to explore what his true intentions were for his country of Cuba and its people. What were his motives for the revolution, which may influence whether he deserves the praise or the criticism which he has been granted to him for many years across the world. What did Castro hope to gain through the Cuban Revolution and did he achieve what he set out to accomplish through his leadership and power? Were his motivations for gaining complete control of his country? Were they for beneficial reasons, or did he have a more sinister agenda for taking total control? Did he see himself as a hero and champion for his people? Did he see himself as acting in the best interests of the Cuban people? Through information from his speeches, letters, and interviews during his reign, the evidence yields an answer that Castro is indeed a different beast than those of Hitler and Stalin. His motivations were for the best interests of his people and country. Though he does not do in favor of the United States, he has been a beneficial leader to those who need him to be "the people of Cuba."